Full Text Digests

Welcome. These digests are presented here for reflection on historical trends.

Page Contents

Adult Literacy Programs in Rural Areas (1990)      Capital Outlay: A Critical Concern in Rural Education (1990)      Developing Supplemental Funding: Initiatives for Rural and Small Schools (1993)      Economic Support for Education in Rural School Districts (1988)      Establishing Partnerships between the Business Community and Rural Schools (1986)      Recent Trends in Rural Poverty: A Summary for Educators (1989)      Rural Philosophy for Education: Wendell Berry's Tradition      Shared Services for Rural and Small Schools (1983)      What Can I Become: Educational Aspirations of Students in Rural America (1992)

Adult Literacy Programs in Rural Areas (1990)

Adult Literacy Programs in Rural Areas. ERIC Digest.

Ferrell, Susan

The literacy of rural adults is receiving renewed attention nationally.

This Digest examines the stated goals of rural literacy programs and the types of programs that have been effective in the past. It includes the various definitions of literacy applied in effective rural literacy programs. It also examines the conditions that support--or limit--the widespread influence of effective programs in rural areas. Basic research about rural literacy is scanty. This Digest, however, synthesizes findings from the available literature to help inform both concerned practitioners and policymakers.

CONCERN FOR ADULT LITERACY IN RURAL AREAS The level of concern over adult literacy in rural areas varies with economic, social, and political changes. In the United States, policymakers express greatest concern when the need for economic development or recovery seems most pressing, as in the present rural economic crisis.

Many policymakers believe high rates of adult literacy to be a condition of rural economic development. Hence, their concern logically addresses the literacy of citizens with the most visible need to improve their economic well-being, the poor. In the United States, many poor citizens live in remote rural communities. Moreover, throughout the world the rates of both poverty and of adult illiteracy are highest in rural areas (for example, Behrstock, 1981).

THE GOALS OF ADULT LITERACY PROGRAMS IN RURAL AREAS Knox (1987) reports that adult basic education--including instruction for improved literacy--serves one of four purposes. These purposes are: (1) promoting economic productivity; (2) stimulating political change; (3) increasing social equity; and (4) enhancing quality of life. In the United States, literacy efforts on behalf of rural citizens most frequently address the first of these purposes.

Akenson (1984) develops this theme in his comparison of the Southern Literacy Campaign (1910-1935) with current efforts to promote literacy in the rural South. "Industrial efficiency" was a prime concern of the earlier programs. Today, similar results are expected from programs to prepare rural workers for the "information age." Both efforts emphasize the improved productivity of rural economies (Akenson, 1984).

Another goal of literacy efforts has been to support democratic political reform. The work of Brazilian educator Paulo Freire with rural peasants best represents this approach. By helping peasants label both their anger and their dreams, literacy campaigns of this type help citizens define their own political destinies. In more highly developed nations, such efforts have also been proposed to address the needs of an emerging underclass (for example, Aronowitz & Giroux, 1985).

Closely related to the political aim of literacy work is the goal of promoting social equity. This goal confronts a particularly vexing challenge. Literacy workers have noted that the nation's poorest citizens, whether rural or urban, are those least likely to participate in programs (Quigley, 1990). According to this view, literacy efforts can actually widen the gap between the "haves" and the "have nots."

Some writers note, however, that this effect is rare: even the poorest citizens get some benefits when the literacy of their somewhat more fortunate neighbors improves. Cameron (1987, p. 175) reasons, "As programs prepare better qualified and motivated people for occupational advancement, lower-level jobs become available for less skilled or less experienced workers."

A final perspective on adult literacy, however, rejects the logic of both of these competing views. Supporters of this view (for example, Kozol, 1985) see literacy as a worthy end in itself. They interpret literacy--like oral language--as the birthright of all humans, and they stress the role literacy plays in cultivating human potential. They believe all political, economic, and social improvement depends on universal literacy. In rural areas, this view may have special meaning for post-literacy programs, discussed in the next section.

RURAL PROGRAMS THAT ADDRESS VARIOUS TYPES OF ADULT LITERACY Literacy programs in rural areas vary with the definitions of literacy they adopt. Chall, Heron, and Hilferty (1987) identify three types of programs that define literacy in different ways. Volunteer programs work mainly with illiterate adults. They serve adults whose reading achievement is below the fourth-grade level. Competency-based programs, on the other hand, work with adults who already have basic reading skills. These adults, however, need more advanced academic skills if they are to become functionally literate by modern standards. Competency-based programs usually define literacy as the minimum skill required for a high school diploma or its equivalent.

Fingeret (1984, p. 23) describes programs of these first two types as "individually oriented programs." She faults them for approaching adult illiteracy as deficits of individual persons. These programs, she claims, offer instruction that emphasizes reading skills in isolation from meaningful context.

Both Chall and Fingeret distinguish the first two types of programs from programs based in the community. Rather than valuing just one kind of learning, community-oriented programs help adults determine their own learning needs, based on the norms of their communities. These programs, therefore, provide instruction that may or may not have an academic focus.

A variety of post-literacy options helps sustain the effectiveness of the three basic types of literacy programs. Post-literacy programs offer newly literate adults the chance to continue their education, practice new skills, and make positive changes in their lives.

Such programs are extremely important for sustaining literacy gains in rural areas. They may be especially critical in rural areas when limited economies keep literate adults from applying their new skills in new jobs.

If adult students can see literacy as worthy in itself, then they may be more likely to continue to maintain and develop their literacy, whatever the local economic situation. Hence, programs in rural areas with enduring economic problems might better view the development of literacy in terms of quality of life.

EFFECTIVE RURAL LITERACY PROJECTS IN THE UNITED STATES Among adult literacy programs in rural areas of the United States, some offer a single service (Lucas, 1985). Alaska's Centralized Correspondent Study Handbook for Grades 1-12, for example, provides the framework through which rural residents can complete correspondence course work at no charge.

Teleteacher, a telephone-based system in Virginia, enables rural residents to have access to academic assistance 24 hours a day.

Other rural literacy programs, however, provide a variety of services (Lucas, 1985). For example, a program in Alabama uses a statewide educational television network, learning centers, and home tutors. This plan offers three different ways to reach adults in rural areas. A weekend program in New Jersey offers a variety of counseling services, sponsors independent study projects, and administers subject area examinations.

Some projects offer a wide range of services to large numbers of students (Lucas, 1985). Project Communi-Link, for example, reaches 26 selected rural communities in 14 western states. Communi-Link is a system that structures working relationships among a variety of organizations. It works to help rural communities improve the social and economic well-being of residents through expanded opportunities for Adult Basic Education and GED preparation. Two Pennsylvania projects--Regional Utilization of Resources to Aid Literacy (RURAL) and Grass Roots Alternative Diploma Study (GRADS)--are also examples of this approach.

Finally, technology increases the potential to reach adults in rural areas.

Literacy programs are developing out-of-school strategies that use media to deliver instruction. These media include films, newspapers, radios, records, audiotapes, various periodicals, and satellite broadcasts. In addition, some literacy and post-literacy programs have direct ties to business and industry, and others make use of resources available in two- and four-year colleges (Chall et al., 1987; Hone, 1984).

Conditions that support--or limit--effective rural literacy programs:

Though effective programs exist, their impact may be limited in rural areas. Some conditions limit the scope, and sometimes threaten the survival, of such programs. Inadequate funding reduces the potential impact of literacy efforts (Kozol, 1985). The funding that does exist may be divided among a variety of agencies, all competing for a share of it. This competition makes it difficult for agencies to coordinate their efforts.

Moreover, the clear goal of many rural literacy programs--improving rural economies--poses a potential threat to even the most effective programs.

Despite their goals, these programs nonetheless tend to define their success in terms of increased literacy, not economic improvement. If the advertised economic benefits fail to develop, these programs can lose the support of external funding sources.

Despite these problems, however, rural literacy programs manage to persist and to succeed. Successful programs share certain common features.

According to Hone (1984), effective programs address local needs, satisfy the expectations of their clients, entail cooperation among agencies, and promote program benefits in clear language. Kozol (1985) highlights one additional source of success. Involving community members in the development, promotion, and evaluation of literacy programs gives rural residents a stake in making these programs work.

REFERENCES Akenson, J.E. (1984, November). The Southern literacy campaign 1910- 1935: Lessons for adult learning in an information society. Paper presented at the National Adult Education Conference, Louisville, KY. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 252 726)

Aronowitz, S., & Giroux, H. (1985). Education under siege. South Hadley, MA: Bergin & Garvey.

Behrstock, J. (1981). Reaching the rural reader. Journal of Reading, 24(8), 712-718.

Cameron, C. (1987). Adult education as a force toward social equity. Adult Education Quarterly, 37(3), 173-177.

Chall, J., Heron, E., & Hilferty, A. (1987). Adult literacy: New and enduring problems. Phi Delta Kappan, 69(3), 190-196.

Fingeret, A. (1984). Adult literacy education: Current and future directions. Columbus, OH: ERIC Clearinghouse on Adult, Career, and Vocational Education. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 246 308)

Hone, K. (1984). Serving the rural adult: Inventory of model programs in rural adult postsecondary education. Manhattan, KS: Kansas State University, University for Man. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 256 527)

Knox, A. (1987). International perspectives on adult education. Columbus, OH: ERIC Clearinghouse on Adult, Career, and Vocational Education. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 290 931)

Kozol, J. (1985). Illiterate America. New York: New American Library.

Lucas, G.S. (1985). Non-traditional community-based GED programming outreach efforts. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 254 678)

Quigley, B.A. (1990). Hidden logic: Reproduction and resistance in adult literacy and adult basic education. Adult Education Quarterly, 40(2), 103- 115.

Prepared by Susan Ferrell, Marshall University, Huntington, WV.

This publication was prepared with funding from the U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, under contract no. RI-88-062016.

Capital Outlay: A Critical Concern in Rural Education (1990)

Capital Outlay: A Critical Concern in Rural Education. ERIC Digest.

Hunter, James; Howley, Craig B.

Although many other industrialized countries rely on national schemes for funding public schools, the United States has traditionally relied on the spirit of local initiative (Counts, 1930). This tradition is perhaps nowhere more evident than in provisions for the construction and maintenance of school buildings (Education Writers Association, 1989).

State and federal funding sources have, in many states, provided substantial aid for operating expenses--teachers' salaries, transportation, and aid for programs that provide instructional services for students with special needs. These funding sources, however, have historically provided less assistance for school construction (Deavers & Brown, 1985; Thompson, Stewart, Honeyman, & Wood, 1989). This Digest addresses possible solutions to the emerging problem of capital outlay financing, with special attention to facilities in rural areas.

FACILITY NEEDS IN THE CONTEXT OF RURAL ECONOMICS Although not all rural areas are poor, many rural districts must operate on some of the lowest revenue bases in the country. In general, studies have shown that rural economies specialize in natural resource extraction (for example, farming, mining, logging) or routine (as opposed to "high-tech") manufacturing (Bender et al., 1985). Incomes produced by such an economic base tend to be comparatively low (Deavers & Brown, 1985; McGranahan, 1987). Since income levels determine the local ability to pay taxes, proposals to raise property taxes to meet the capital outlay needs of rural school districts are often unsuccessful.

In addition, during the last decade local budgets for education have felt the effect of increased demands for new or expanded services, demands that strain local capacity to provide the desired services (Brizius, Foster, & Patton, 1988). Meeting these demands, in turn, affects the capacity of local education agencies to maintain existing buildings or construct new ones (Thompson et al., 1989). Nationwide, existing school buildings are deteriorating faster than they can be replaced, remodeled, or even adequately maintained (Education Writers Association, 1989).

Historically inadequate (and allegedly inequitable) financial resources in rural districts make concern over the financing of capital outlay (capital funds for maintaining, remodeling, or constructing school facilities) just as acute as it is in many inner-city school districts (Thompson et al., 1989). In persistently poor rural areas (see Bender et al., 1985, pp.

12-15), in fact, the condition of facilities may be worse than it is elsewhere.

REFORM, EQUITY, AND THE CONDITION OF SCHOOL FACILITIES In recent years state-mandated reforms have placed additional requirements for the provision of educational services on LEAs. Increases in state aid accompanied the reforms in many states, but could not cover all costs, especially in impoverished rural areas (Brizius et al., 1988). Wealthy districts were able to raise additional funds locally, but rural districts have been less successful. Many impoverished rural districts, in fact, may now be devoting larger proportions of their budgets to operating expenses in order to implement state-mandated reforms (Brizius et al., 1988).

In the fray over which reforms to implement in earnest in rural districts, and how to manage them, the issue of facilities was of minor concern. As a result, disparities between the quality of facilities in LEAs within the various states have widened (Thompson et al., 1989).

The principles of wealth neutrality that inform modern school finance decisions have helped equalize the distribution of available resources for operating expenses, to different degrees in the various states. The same observation cannot be made with respect to capital outlay financing. The local property tax still strongly influences the quality of school buildings in many states.

ADEQUACY AND EQUITY For the past 20 years, U.S. court decisions have been guided by the interrelated premises of adequacy and equity when ruling on public school finance matters. These concepts will almost certainly be used in legal evaluations of the issue of capital outlay.

Adequacy is the availability of resources sufficient to carry out mandated educational goals, whereas equity refers to the just distribution of available resources (which, in themselves, may or may not be adequate).

Thompson and colleagues (1989) maintain that the issue of equity is moot if available resources are inadequate to carry out mandated educational goals.

That is, adequacy is a prior condition for the achievement of educational equity.

This principle requires that resources must exist at a minimum level before the issue of what is equitable can be determined. The achievement of equity is unlikely, in this view, if the various funding sources do not first provide resources sufficient, in general, to serve the needs of children in all the state's districts. The achievement of adequacy may be difficult, but the conditions of its evaluation are often specified in state laws and regulations.

Equity is a comparatively more subjective goal than adequacy. Evaluating its achievement entails selection of a suitable frame of reference (Berne & Stiefel, 1984; Thompson et al., 1989). Moreover, as Alexander (1982) implies, this frame of reference may well be a matter of debate among those who dispense funds (federal, state, and local governments) and those who receive them (state and local education agencies).

ACHIEVING ADEQUACY AND EQUITY IN CAPITAL OUTLAY FINANCING Despite chronic concerns about how LEAs have funded their facilities, equity reform for many years was felt to apply only to operating expenses (Thompson et al., 1989). In 1979, however, the West Virginia State Supreme Court ruled on the inadequacy of local property wealth to serve as the basis for funding school buildings. The ruling also cited the integral role facilities play in providing a good education (Pauley v. Kelly, 1979).

Rulings such as this imply the need to secure funds from outside the LEA.

The principal mechanisms available to redistribute available resources in the pursuit of equity are based on three considerations:

1. Poor districts should receive outside funds, on the theory that residency should not deprive students of equal access to educational resources.

2. Ratios set for per-pupil funding should be adjusted upward in poor districts, if necessary, to counteract the effects of revenue imbalance.

3. Tax schedules should ensure that taxpayers residing in impoverished areas will not bear a disproportionately heavy tax load.

Thompson and colleagues (1989) maintain that continued reliance on local property wealth will jeopardize the degree to which rural LEAs can finance the capital outlays desperately needed to improve school facilities.

According to these observers, 28 states have instituted true grant-in-aid programs, while the remaining 22 have left individual districts to their own devices. Current forms of state assistance fall into six categories (see Thompson et al., 1989, pp. 10-19 for detailed descriptions), ranging from full state funding--under which the state funds all capital outlay costs--to state or local building authorities, which often seek to involve private enterprise.

ENSURING LOCAL CONTROL Disadvantages common to all these methods involve loss of local control, and strong partnerships between state education agencies and LEAs are vital to countering these disadvantages (Thompson et al., 1989). To implement such partnerships, Thompson and colleagues (1989, pp. 84-86) recommend that: (1) funds be provided for both existing and new debt service; (2) funds be provided to meet special needs (for example, sparsity, growth, and emergencies); (3) such special needs be given priority; (4) orderly planning by state and local partnerships drive the funding of new projects; and (5) states consider establishing several types of funds to assist LEAs in meeting their capital outlay needs.

WHAT MIGHT THE FUTURE HOLD? Many school buildings have already fallen into disrepair, and many new ones are needed (Education Writers Association, 1989). Equally clear is the fact that courts are beginning to link capital outlay financing to the established legal premises of adequacy and equity. Moreover, many analysts believe that, in the 22 states that provide no funding assistance of any sort for facility expenditures, adequacy is lacking. It follows, then, that equity in these states is also a substantial problem.

Policymakers, in particular, are advised to take note of these trends by Thompson and colleagues (1989, p. 1): "Recent litigation suggests...that capital outlay is an issue that will be addressed in the courts if it is not effectively addressed by state policy." Observers believe that impoverished school districts, both urban and rural, can benefit from legal criteria that move toward neutralizing the effect of local property wealth in the comparatively neglected domain of capital outlay financing. As state- level concern becomes more evident in the states, the fortunes of rural school districts could improve.

REFERENCES Alexander, K. (1982). Concepts of equity. In W. McMahon & T. Geske (Eds.), Financing education. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.

Bender, L., Green, B., Hady, T., Kuehn, J., Nelson, M., Perkinson, L., & Ross, P. (1985). The diverse social and economic structure of nonmetropolitan America (Rural Development Research Report Number 49, United States Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service).

Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 262 939)

Berne, R., & Stiefel, L. (1984). The measurement of equity in school finance: Conceptual, methodological, and empirical dimensions. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Brizius, J., Foster, S., & Patton, H. (1988). Education reform in rural Appalachia, 1982-1987. Washington, DC: Appalachian Regional Commission.

(ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 303 287)

Counts, G. (1930). The American road to culture: A social interpretation of education in the United States. New York: John Day. (Facsimile reprint edition published by Arno Press-New York Times, 1971)

Deavers, K., & Brown, D. (1985). The maintenance gap: Deferred repair and renovation in the nation's elementary and secondary schools. New York and Washington, DC: The Council of Great City Schools.

Education Writers Association. (1989). Wolves at the schoolhouse door: An investigation of the condition of public school buildings. Washington, DC: Education Writers Association.

McGranahan, D. (1987). The role of rural workers in the national economy.

In D. Brown and K. Deavers (Eds.), Rural economic development in the 1980s (ERS Staff Report No. AGES870724) (chapter 2). Washington, DC: Economic Research Service, U. S. Department of Agriculture.

Pauley v. Kelly. 255 S.E. 2d 859, (W. Va. 1979); later changed to Pauley v.

Bailey, 324 S.E. 2d 128, (1982); Pauley v. Gainer, 353 S.E. 2d 318.

Thompson, D., Stewart, G., Honeyman, D., & Wood, R. (1989). Achievement of equity in capital outlay financing: A policy analysis for the states.

Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural and Small Schools.

Prepared by James Hunter, free-lance journalist, Atlanta, GA, and Craig Howley, ERIC/CRESS, Charleston, WV.

This Digest is based primarily on the ERIC/CRESS monograph by Thompson and colleagues (1989), referenced above.

This publication was prepared with funding from the U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, under contract no. RI-88-062016. The opinions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the positions or policies of the Office of Educational Research and Improvement or the Department of Education

Title: Capital Outlay: A Critical Concern in Rural Education. ERIC Digest.

Author: Hunter, James; Howley, Craig B.

Note: 3p.; For the monograph by D. Thompson and others, see ED 306 067.

Publication Year: 1990 Document Type: Eric Product (071); Eric Digests (selected) (073) Target Audience: Policymakers and Administrators and Practitioners ERIC Identifier: ED319583 Available from: ERIC/CRESS, Appalachia Educational Laboratory, P.O. Box 1348, Charleston, WV 25325 (free).

This document is available from the ERIC Document Reproduction Service.

Descriptors: * Capital Outlay [for Fixed Assets]; * Educational Equity [Finance]; Educational Finance; Elementary Secondary Education; Financial Problems; * Financial Support; Public Schools; * Rural Schools; School Construction; * School Districts; * State Aid; State School District Relationship

Identifiers: *Educational Adequacy; ERIC Digests

Developing Supplemental Funding: Initiatives for Rural and Small Schools (1993)

Developing Supplemental Funding: Initiatives for Rural and Small Schools.

ERIC Digest.

Carlson, Robert

THIS DIGEST EXPLORES ways that rural and small schools can adopt fundraising ideas that have proven merit. The discussion considers a variety of fundraising activities, the difference between fundraising and development funds, opportunities for developing grants, and key ethical and legal issues. The Digest also provides a list of resources--organizations, people, and publications--keyed to the discussion.

WHY UNDERTAKE FUNDRAISING EFFORTS? In recent history, educators and citizens have looked to tax revenues to provide all the necessities thought to comprise good schooling.

Nonetheless, supplemental fundraising has always been part of the efforts of rural schools to support a wide range of student activities. In the past, for instance, parents drove buses, cooked meals, and supplied equipment (DeYoung, 1991).

Today, rural and small schools face difficult financial times. Persistent poverty and the comparatively greater per-pupil cost of operating small or isolated schools (Stern, 1992) compound the financial pressures that all schools experience in a time of growing need and diminishing resources.

Long-term economic decline--which characterizes many rural areas--erodes tax bases, causes population decline, and increases the burden on remaining taxpayers (and their resistance to the increased burden). The expectation that tax support alone will suffice to provide adequate support may no longer be reasonable. Given such instability, supplemental funding may be needed just to preserve valued programs or services in many rural and small schools.

FUNDRAISING OPTIONS Fundraising strategies need to respond to local conditions; they should enable creativity to emerge among those involved. Though by no means comprehensive, the following list of options provides a range of activities from which to draw:

* ad hoc events (e.g., sales, raffles, A-thons) (Bock, 1990; Miller, 1989);

* annual events (e.g., sales or raffles held annually in order to develop tradition and permit improvement over time);

* Las Vegas nights (National Catholic Education Association NCEA, 1984);

* rental of space and equipment to individuals and groups in the community (NCEA, 1984);

* direct mailing request for contributions (NCEA, 1984);

* surveys that combine requests for feedback on the school with a request for contributions (NCEA, 1984);

* auction of donated equipment, services, and products (NCEA, 1984);

* adopt-a-student or school-family bond programs (see "Resources," below);

* alumni association fundraising work (Harris, 1988);

* school-business partnerships (e.g., Bookout & Cox, 1988; Hutto, 1990);

* school-based entrepreneurial curriculum and businesses (Heartland Center, 1992; Spears, Combs, & Bailey, 1990); and

* lifelong learning programs designed to generate income beyond costs (Galbraith, 1992).

Each of these options requires careful planning and some expertise.

However, most are feasible whatever the level of local expertise. Part of the challenge is identifying persons and organizations that can provide technical assistance at little or no cost to the school (Kovas, 1989).

FUNDRAISING AND DEVELOPMENT FUNDS Often, the press of time and the need for immediate payoff makes fundraising a short-term effort. Development funds provide a more stable and predictable source of income over a longer period.

Development funds target long-term goals, are ongoing in nature, and grow out of institutional planning (NCEA, 1984). Institutional development has often been viewed as unique to colleges and universities, but, according to one study, nearly 1,500 public education funds had been established nationwide by cities, towns, and school districts of varying sizes (Morgan & White, 1990). Local educational funds (LEFs) are sometimes independent of particular schools.

Nesbit (1987) conducted a national survey of LEFs and found that a vast majority (74 percent) had been established since 1980 and served only school districts. Almost half raised funds, while others acquired special materials and equipment. Focus was often on monies to supplement school budgets, to retain and show appreciation for teachers, to provide student scholarships, to maintain quality programs, or to assist less affluent areas.

DEVELOPING GRANT PROPOSALS O'Bryan-Garland and Larsen (1984, p. 31) debunk the idea that only "big- name school districts receive grants." They observe that funding entities are trying harder to fund first-time applications in order to distribute awards on a more equitable geographic basis. These authors offer a number of suggestions for increasing the odds of being successful in grant awards:

* forming a consortium with other schools,

* reviewing successful grant proposals,

* identifying and targeting potential funding sources, and

* writing applications that are direct and succinct.

MAJOR ISSUES IN FUNDRAISING Legal and ethical concerns are major issues. Procedures must specify how funds are handled, safeguarded, and accounted for, and how their use is authorized. Standard and well-established accounting procedures should be followed; records should be open to the public, and they should be available at any time to donors or prospective donors. Procedures should also be established to protect the identities of donors who wish to preserve their anonymity.

Ethical issues include the use of children to raise funds. Caution should be taken not to exploit students; participation should be voluntary. It may be very appropriate to involve students in fundraising activities, but guidelines to their role in such endeavors should be specified and approved by boards of education.

Likewise, prospective donors should not feel coerced into making contributions. Fundraising goals should be realistic--within a local community's capacity to participate. Care, moreover, should be taken that the same people are not being "hit" too frequently. This observation suggests that schools should try to coordinate their activities with the fundraising efforts of other groups.

CONCLUSION The positive relationships that many rural and small schools have with their communities provide the chance to develop more systematic approaches to raising funds to support activities for which tax revenues alone are insufficient. Board members, faculty, and school staff can draw thoughtfully and skillfully on this goodwill for the benefit of students.

RESOURCES For more information about...

* organizing ad hoc and annual events, Las Vegas nights, rentals, direct mail solicitations (with or without surveys), and auctions, see the Elementary School Finance Manual, available from Publication Sales, National Catholic Education Association, 1077 30th St., NW, Suite 100, Washington, DC 20007; Resources for Development, also published by the NCEA, covers these and other topics. It is available from the publisher and the ERIC Document Reproduction Service (in paper-copy reproduction from microfiche, ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 269 865).

* the Adopt-a-Student program, contact Thomas Bradley, Adopt-A- Student, 1635 West Flower Circle North, Phoenix, AZ 85015, 602/252-5058.

* the school-family bond program, contact Robert Varner, James Woodrow Adams Elementary School, PO Box 767, Pound, VA 24279, 703/796-5410.

* school-based economic enterprises, contact REAL Enterprises Federation, 658- B Old Lystra Road, Chapel Hill, NC 27514, 919/929-3939.

* starting a local education fund, contact the Public Education Fund Network, 600 Grant St., Suite 4444, Pittsburgh, PA 15219, 412/391-3235.

* finding funding sources, contact the Foundation Center, which maintains one or more libraries in every state; they provide information about government and corporate funding. Call 1-800/424-9836 (or write the Foundation Center, 79 5th Ave., NY, NY 10003) to identify the nearest Foundation Center library. Grant announcements are published in the Federal Register, Commerce Business Daily, and in such newsletters as Federal Grants and Contracts Weekly and the Chronicle of Philanthropy. Other possible sources include your local Chamber of Commerce, your state education agency, or your Regional Educational Laboratory.

REFERENCES Bock, J. (1990). Ride for wildlife: The fundamental themes of geography in action. Journal of Geography, 89(4), 150-152.

Bookout, S., & Cox, K. (1988, November). Industry/electronics education joint venture. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Mid-South Educational Research Association, Louisville, KY. ED 302 645.

DeYoung, A. (1991). Struggling with their histories: Economic decline and educational improvement in four rural southeastern school districts.

Norwood, NJ: Ablex.

Galbraith, M. (Ed.). (1992). Education in the rural American community.

Malabar, FL: Krieger Publishing Co.

Harris, C. (1988). Alumni support. Agricultural Education Magazine, 61(5), 5-23.

Heartland Center for Leadership Development. (1992). Schools as entrepreneurs: Helping small towns survive. Lincoln, NE: Author.

Hutto, N. (1990). Using partnerships to strengthen elementary science education: A guide for rural administrators. Austin, TX: Southwest Educational Development Laboratory. ED 326 361.

Kovas, M. (1989). Why not develop a parent booster's club? Quill and Scroll, 63(2), 10-11.

Miller, D. (1989). Fundraising tips. Drama/Theatre-Teacher, 1(2), 6-7.

National Catholic Education Association. (1984). Elementary school finance manual. Washington, DC: Author.

Nesbit, W. (1987). The local education foundation: What is it, how is it established? NASSP Bulletin, 71, 85-89.

O'Bryan-Garland, S., & Larsen, R. (1984). Writing grant proposals: Dispelling the myths. ERS Spectrum, 2(3), 31-34.

Spears, J., Combs, L., & Bailey, G. (1990). Accommodating change and diversity: Linking rural schools to communities. Manhattan, KS: Rural Clearinghouse for Lifelong Education and Development. ED 328 392.

Stern, J. D. (1992, Winter). How demographic trends for the eighties affect rural and small-town schools. Educational Horizons, 71-77.

White, G., & Morgan, N. (1990). Education foundations: The catalyst that mixes corporation and community to support the schools. The School Administrator, 74(4), 22-24.

Robert Carlson teaches in the Department of Organizational, Counseling, and Foundation Studies at the University of Vermont, Burlington.

This publication was prepared with funding from the U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, under contract no. RI88062016. The opinions expressed herein do not necessarily refle ct the positions or policies of the Office of Educational Research and Improvement or the Department of Education

Title: Developing Supplemental Funding: Initiatives for Rural and Small Schools. ERIC Digest.

Author: Carlson, Robert Publication Year: 1993 Document Type: Eric Product (071); Eric Digests (selected) (073) Target Audience: Parents and Practitioners ERIC Identifier: ED357910 Available from: ERIC/CRESS, Appalachia Educational Laboratory, P.O. Box 1348, Charleston, WV 25325 (free).

This document is available from the ERIC Document Reproduction Service.

Descriptors: Elementary Secondary Education; * Fund Raising; * Rural Schools; School Community Relationship; * School Funds; School Support; * Small Schools

Identifiers: ERIC Digests

Economic Support for Education in Rural School Districts (1988)

Economic Support for Education in Rural School Districts. ERIC Digest.

Howley, Craig

This Digest synthesizes recent findings and enduring features that characterize the economic climate in which rural schools operate, and it reports traditional strategies used to create greater economic support for rural school districts. It aims to relate the issues of rural culture and community to the economic support of adequate services in rural schools.

WHY HAS THE DEGREE OF ECONOMIC SUPPORT BEEN AN ONGOING CONCERN OF RURAL EDUCATORS AND OF STATE POLICYMAKERS? The yardstick of adequacy in mass education--the expectation that all the children of all the citizens of a nation will attend school--is the expectation that schools everywhere will function in the same way to serve all students. This is a modern phenomenon closely associated with the steady economic growth that has characterized the development of cities, but many rural areas have not experienced growth during recent decades.

Instead, they have been caught in cycles of economic boom and bust, or in a trend of steady decline. Under these circumstances, rural superintendents have consistently reported that adequate financial support for their districts is difficult to obtain.

Nonetheless, rural areas are the places in which mass education developed its early roots in the United States during the nineteenth century. Studies of contemporary nonmetropolitan communities have shown that they spend at least as high a proportion of their personal income on schools as metropolitan communities (e.g., Monk & Bliss, 1982). Incomes in rural areas, however, are low, and the net result of this traditional interest and contemporary effort does not combine to support adequately the work now expected of rural schools.

WHAT STATE AID PROVISIONS HAVE BEEN SUGGESTED TO INCREASE THE DEGREE OF ECONOMIC SUPPORT FOR RURAL SCHOOLS? Three types of state funding mechanisms are used to equalize economic support among all school districts in a state (Jess, 1980):

-- high-level foundation programs, by which the state makes up the

difference between local support and a prescribed minimum level;

-- augmented foundation programs, which provide additional revenues

based on a combination of district wealth and tax effort; and

-- power equalization programs, which guarantee minimum revenues

based on tax effort, but "recapture" revenues from districts

with high local revenues.

According to Jess (1980), of the 25 states using any of these methods, disparities were reduced in 17, whereas disparities increased in seven.

(They remained unchanged in one.) However, disparities were most consistently reduced in states that adopted power equalization programs.

According to data reported by Wright (1981), 13 states adjusted funding to rural schools based on isolation and seven states made adjustments based on population sparsity.

WHAT IS THE EFFECT OF STATE AND FEDERAL GOVERNMENTS' REVENUE CONTRIBUTIONS ON RURAL SCHOOL DISTRICTS? Since the 1930s, state governments have played an increasingly large role in financing local schools. Since the 1950s, steady changes in state funding formulas have tried to take into account the special needs of some districts--for example, being small in size or serving many disadvantaged children. Overall, the effect of state efforts has been to lessen the fiscal discrepancies between rich and poor school districts.

The funds provided by the federal government to help at-risk students also help lessen discrepancies, but by no means close the remaining gap (Orland, 1988). Some reports, however, indicate that rural schools have not received a share of federal assistance proportional to either the numbers of students they serve or their needs (e.g., Gjelten, 1980).

Compounding this problem, the contributions of state governments and the federal government are often tied to new programs (designed by them) that may be particularly difficult for rural districts to implement. The new difficulties that confront rural school districts in operating some special education programs are a case in point.

The additional responsibilities imposed by state and federal mandates are intended to ensure that schools everywhere will provide similar programs in similar ways. Under these circumstances, additional aid may be welcomed as a mixed blessing by rural schools and communities. The funds benefit local economies, but require school staff to redouble their efforts to be efficient.

WHY HAVEN'T ALL STATES ADOPTED EQUALIZATION MEASURES? Rural schools have been faulted for inefficiency because, even as their services were viewed as inadequate, their per-pupil expenditures were viewed as too high. A goal of the massive consolidations that occurred in this century was to eliminate this alleged rural inefficiency. Today, many rural educators believe that the push for efficiency has gone too far.

The emerging view is that rural and small schools are inherently more expensive to operate than other schools. Population sparsity, the appropriately small scale of rural schools, and the special needs of rural students and communities need to be accommodated with flexible regulation and ample economic support. Many rural educators hope that schooling will be recognized as an essential investment in an infrastructure that will support the kind of economic development that many rural communities have never experienced.

For the purpose of funding rural schools for such a mission, some observers believe that it will be necessary to develop a typology that accounts for the diversity among all school districts, a diversity most dramatically exhibited by rural school districts (Augenblick & Nachtigal, 1985). Such thinking may have influenced the passage in 1988 of a new school finance law in Colorado, which establishes a classification based on eight types of school districts. Much work needs to be done, however, to provide empirical justification for any particular typology.

HOW IS ECONOMIC SUPPORT RELATED TO ISSUES OF RURAL CULTURE AND COMMUNITY? The long history of interest by rural communities in their schools contrasts markedly with the more recent history of inadequate funding for rural schooling. When the expectations of rural schools were different, their funding was not perceived to be inadequate. State and federal initiatives have not--and perhaps cannot--resolve this dilemma, since their mandates, framed to apply to all schools, impose burdens that may be out of scale to the benefits they deliver to rural schools.

Such problems indicate a failure of policy to comprehend what rural schools, and the communities and cultures that stand behind them, are really like. Equalization of funding, or even a comparatively high level of funding for rural school districts, will not change the disparity of rural and urban cultures and economic activity.

Some educators (e.g., Wigginton, 1985) seek to cultivate a sense of community, based on students' direct involvement with the features of local culture and history. Wigginton's methods have been called "cultural journalism," because students develop publications about their involvement.

As cultural journalists, they not only learn basic skills in a meaningful context, but they begin to understand and critique the world in which they live, according to Wigginton.

Other educators (e.g., Gatewood & DeLargy, 1985) believe that it is important for rural schools to take an active role in cultivating economic activity in rural communities, and new studies of "business incubation" have begun to appear (e.g., Weinberg, 1988). These programs provide seed- money and technical assistance to start businesses intended later to become self-supporting.

Still others stress the importance of understanding the national and global context in which rural schools and economies operate. According to them, the impoverishment of rural areas is a predictable, persistent consequence of the economic relationship between rural regions and centers of metropolitan finance and industry (e.g., Silver & DeYoung, 1986).

They suggest that rural citizens may legitimately view the schooling of their children as something apart from the agenda of mass education.

Instead of regarding their children as the nation's "most precious natural resource," rural parents may want their children to learn fidelity to such rural traditions as neighborliness, hard work, self-reliance, and close relationship to the natural environment (e.g., Wigginton, 1985).

The common theme in these differing views is that the expectation that rural schools will deliver the same services in the same ways as other schools is bound to end in frustration, since the community will and the economic support necessary to meet the expectation may not exist. Hence, the issue of adequate economic support for education in rural districts depends on the purposes conceived for rural schools and on who conceives those purposes. Some rural teachers have taken a lead in demonstrating viable rural alternatives.

REFERENCES Augenblick, J. & Nachtigal, P. (1985, August). EQUITY IN RURAL SCHOOL

FINANCE. Paper presented at the National Rural Education Forum, Kansas

City, MO. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 258 788).

Gatewood, E. & DeLargy, P. (1985). SCHOOL-BASED BUSINESSES IN GEORGIA.

(ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 279 477).

Gjelten, T. (1980). THE RURAL EXPERIENCE WITH FEDERAL EDUCATION AID.

Washington, DC: National Rural Center. (ERIC Document Reproduction

Service No. ED 191 650).

Jess, J. (1980, November). SCHOOL FINANCE IN RURAL EDUCATION. Paper

presented at the annual Kansas State University Rural and Small Schools

Conference (2nd), Manhattan, KS. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service

No. ED 194 293).

Monk, D., & Bliss, J. (1982). FINANCING RURAL SCHOOLS IN NEW YORK

STATE: THE FACTS AND ISSUES (Cornell Information Bulletin 182).

Ithaca, NY: Cornell University. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service

No. ED 238 597).

Orland, M. (1988). Relating school district resource needs and

capacities to Chapter 1 allocations: Implications for more effective

service targeting. EDUCATIONAL EVALUATION AND POLICY ANALYSIS, 10(1),

23-36.

Silver, R. & DeYoung, A. (1986). The ideology of rural/Appalachian

education 1885-1935: The Appalachian education problem as part of the

Appalachian life problem. EDUCATIONAL THEORY, 36(1), 51-65.

Weinberg, M. (1988, May). RURAL INCUBATOR PROFILE. Paper presented at

the annual conference of the National Business Incubation Association

(2nd), Dallas, TX. (ERIC Documentation Reproduction Service

No. ED 299 072).

Wigginton, E. (1985). SOMETIMES A SHINING MOMENT. Garden City, NY:

Anchor Press/Doubleday.

Wright, L. (1981). Special funding for small and/or isolated rural

schools. Las Cruces, NM: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and

Small Schools. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 200 342).

Prepared by Craig Howley

This publication was prepared with funding from the U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, under contract no. RI-88-062016.

The ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools is operated by the Appalachia Educational Laboratory (AEL), Inc. AEL serves as the Regional Educational Laboratory for Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and West Virginia. AEL is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity employer

Title: Economic Support for Education in Rural School Districts. ERIC Digest.

Author: Howley, Craig Publication Year: 1988 Document Type: Eric Product (071); Eric Digests (selected) (073) Target Audience: Practitioners ERIC Identifier: ED308059 Available from: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools, Appalachia Educational Laboratory, Inc., P.O. Box 1348, Charleston, WV 25325 (free).

This document is available from the ERIC Document Reproduction Service.

Descriptors: * Change Strategies; * Educational Equity [Finance]; Elementary Secondary Education; Federal Aid; Financial Support; Government Role; Resource Allocation; * Rural Areas; * Rural Education; Rural Schools; Rural Urban Differences; School Districts; Socioeconomic Influences; State Aid

Identifiers: ERIC Digests; Rural Culture

Establishing Partnerships between the Business Community and Rural Schools (1986)

Establishing Partnerships between the Business Community and Rural Schools.

Warden, Judy E.

TEXT: An effective way to help develop a strong rural educational program is to establish a business partnership between the rural school and the business community. Once this relationship is in place, the advantages for both the schools and business community can prove beneficial to the entire rural community. For a partnership between a business and a school to be effective, each party must be willing to define its specific needs and demonstrate a desire to make the partnership work.

WHAT IS A SCHOOL-BUSINESS PARTNERSHIP?

Generally defined, a partnership is a mutual agreement between a business and a school to establish certain goals, and to construct a reasonable means of achieving those goals. The term "school-business partnership" is distinguished from the "adopt a school" concept by the fact that a true school-business partnership is not an inner-city program geared toward helping only disadvantaged students. The present focus of school- business partnerships is on improving the overall educational system and perhaps aiding in community development as well.

WHAT KINDS OF PARTNERSHIPS EXIST?

The types of partnerships that are formed between a school and a business depend on what each party hopes to achieve. The objectives of each party will determine whether the type of partnership will be directly involved in the overall school program or whether it will be indirectly involved, or involved in just a specific area of the school program. Some school-business partnerships are only partnerships in the sense that both parties wish the relationship be as uncomplicated as possible. In this kind of partnership the business might provide funds and equipment for the school program while the school might reciprocate by publicly giving credit to the business. Another type of partnership, the long-term partnership, is usually more complex in nature. Long-term partnerships usually have well- defined purposes, and both parties work closely together to accomplish their objectives. These partnerships often provide programs to help enrich school programs, such as sending professional business people to teach mini- courses. Long-term partnerships are frequently concerned with developing enriching career education programs and providing on-the-job training.

HOW CAN PARTNERSHIPS BE EFFECTIVE FOR THE RURAL SCHOOL?

Along with today's emphasis on effective education comes the constant pressure of budget cutbacks of public education funds. Forming a strong school-business partnership can help ease some of the budget woes, permit the business community to take responsibility for the quality of education, and make the transition from school to work easier. Rural schools frequently do not have the monies for new equipment or innovative teaching projects. Partnerships can help supply funds and professional expertise for hands-on projects or pilot programs which the rural school budget may not be able to cover but which the school wants to incorporate into its curriculum. An example of this might be an agreement between a local bank and a school to stimulate life skill activities as motivating factors to achieving learning objectives. Often businesses can provide workshops for students and staff, provide up-to-date equipment, or provide direct on-the- job training. Many partnerships are formed because both the rural school and business community find themselves concerned about the lack of rural career enrichment programs. With budget cuts and the increased attention being given to the back-to-basics movement, schools are finding that they have to decide whether they can afford to include arts and humanities in their curriculum. Rural educators who are concerned about the importance of arts and humanities to students' overall educational and cultural growth should look toward possible partnerships to fulfill this need.

Arts and humanities programs frequently discover a need to bring in outside instructional resources. Again, partnerships can fill that void by functioning as a liaison for the school and a cultural center, for example.

With the support of a partnership, schools can encourage teachers to work closely with cultural centers to stimulate student creativity.

HOW CAN BUSINESS BENEFIT FROM THE SCHOOL-BUSINESS PARTNERSHIP?

A good partnership may prove to be invaluable to both the rural school and the business community. By cooperating with the rural schools in developing strong career and educational programs, the rural business community may not have to depend on outside skilled help. Large businesses which form partnerships with rural schools are assuring their own future with the knowledge that the future work force may be the finished product of their involvement in quality education.

WHY ARE PARTNERSHIPS FORMED?

--Mutual desire to improve the quality of education. Rural schools are usually too small to offer a large variety of educational services. Too often, enriching activities such as field trips and special workshops are not available to rural schools. The reasons for this vary--lack of funding, lack of facilities, or simply a lack of qualified staff. In order to give rural school students the same opportunities for quality education which are available to many urban schools, outside resources should be considered. A good partnership can bring in a wide range of fields and professionals to satisfy the need and contribute to the broadening of rural students' social and career perspectives.

--A need to uplift the morale of the educational system and the rural community regarding education. While the back-to-basics movement itself may not be a hard subject to deal with, recent criticism of public education has, to some extent, taken its toll on school and community morale. The business community can play a vital role in uplifting the morale of both the educational system and the community by being involved in the whole school program. Partnerships can function as a liaison in the improvement of community-school programs.

--The school's need for financial funding. Rural schools with a budget that usually just covers the bare necessities can benefit from the formation of a good partnership. Outdated school equipment can be replaced with modern equipment with monies from partnerships. Buildings, renovations, and computers are just a few extras that business partnerships can provide.

HOW CAN PARTNERSHIPS BE FORMED?

A partnership can be initiated by either a school or a business. To form a partnership, communication must be established. Each party should be willing to take time to sit down and draw up a definite set of goals. The parties involved must be committed to the time and effort it takes to make a good partnership. Individuals selected from each side should be comfortable working outside their environment and relate well to people.

Business-school partnerships can be extremely rewarding--but to work, they need total commitment from both parties.

WHAT ARE SOME SUCCESSFUL EXAMPLES OF SCHOOL-BUSINESS PARTNERSHIPS?

--A good example of a rural community education program took place in a community in Iowa with two companies and the schools of that community. The main goal of that partnership was to give students education and experience in the computer field.

--In Virginia, a partnership was set up with the Chesapeake Corporation of Virginia to solve the math teacher shortage. In this partnership, business provided engineers to schools to teach advanced math classes.

--A rural community in Utah formed a partnership to provide educational opportunities for students via a live telelearning network.

--Rural communities in North Carolina realized that they needed stronger mathematics and science programs, so partnerships were utilized to fill the void.

--Southern Georgia has the Marvin Pittman Laboratory School which works with schools in the development of new teaching approaches.

FOR MORE INFORMATION

Clark, Donald M. "Partnerships in Education--The Latest Fad or A Long Term Solution to Education Reform." WORKPLACE EDUCATION December 1984:8, 17.

DeLargy, Paul. "Rural Schools and Community Education." SMALL SCHOOL FORUM 2 Spring 1981:5-6.

Grimshaw, William F. "Ensuring Excellence in Education for Rural America." Paper presented at the Rural Education Seminar, Washington, DC, May 3-5, 1982. ED 216 840.

Lake, Sara. PARTNERSHIPS IN EDUCATION. Redwood City, CA: San Mateo Educational Resource Center (SMERC), December 1985.

Lick, Dale W. RURAL SCHOOL PARTNERSHIPS WITH HIGHER EDUCATION AND THE PRIVATE SECTOR. Washington, DC: United States Department of Education, National Rural Education Forum, August 1985. ED 258 789.

"School Business Partnerships." EXEMPLARY PRACTICE SERIES. Bloomington, Indiana: Phi Delta Kappa, Center on Evaluation, Development and Research, 1985-1986.

Stainback, George H., Claiborne R. Winborne, and S. John Davis. "Our School/Business Partnership is a Smash." AMERICAN SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL September 1983:42.

This publication was prepared with funding from the Office of Educational Research and Improvement, U.S. Department of Education, under OERI contract. The opinions expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the positions or policies of OERI or the Department of Education

Title: Establishing Partnerships between the Business Community and Rural Schools.

Author: Warden, Judy E.

Publication Year: 1986 Document Type: Non-classroom Material (055); Eric Product (071); Eric Digests (selected) (073) Target Audience: Practitioners and Community ERIC Identifier: ED287650 This document is available from the ERIC Document Reproduction Service.

Descriptors: Business Responsibility; * Community Benefits; Community Resources; Cooperative Programs; Elementary Secondary Education; Financial Support; * Private Financial Support; Rural Development; * Rural Education; * Rural Schools; * School Business Relationship; School Funds; * School Support

Identifiers: ERIC Digests; *Partnerships in Education

Recent Trends in Rural Poverty: A Summary for Educators (1989)

Recent Trends in Rural Poverty: A Summary for Educators. ERIC Digest.

Huang, Gary; Howley, Craig

Intended primarily for educators and policymakers, this Digest summarizes recent information about poverty in rural areas. The discussion considers the recent growth in rural poverty and presents a profile of the rural poor. It also reports evidence about possible causes of rural poverty and interprets possible meanings for teachers and administrators. ^Discussion is based on the distinction between metropolitan (urban) and nonmetropolitan (rural) areas. Briefly, metropolitan areas are closely integrated (by economic relations, communication, and transportation links) with central cities of at least 50,000 residents. Nonmetropolitan areas comprise everything else. The advantage of this definition is that it is commonly used by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. ^TRENDS IN RURAL POVERTY Although poverty is a historical fact of life in many rural areas in America, by 1973 rural poverty seemed to be decreasing (Deavers & Brown, 1985). Many observers predicted better times. Nonetheless, throughout the decade, the most chronically poor counties in the nation continued to be located in nonmetropolitan areas (Deavers & Brown, 1985). In the 1980s hopes for better times dimmed. Studies showed that rising poverty and population loss were once again general features of rural life. ^By 1986, the poverty rate in rural areas was 50 percent higher than the urban rate--18 percent versus 12 percent (O'Hare, 1988). In fact, the poverty rate for all nonmetro counties nearly equalled the poverty rate for central cities (18.6%), where urban poverty is most notable (O'Hare, 1988; Porter, 1989). ^Rural poverty in the 1980s also seemed to be more deep-seated than urban poverty. It stayed higher, rose more rapidly during recession, and fell more slowly in the "recovery" period (O'Hare, 1988). Displaced rural workers were unemployed more than 50 percent longer than urban workers.

When they returned to work, they were more likely than urban workers to take pay cuts and to lose insurance benefits (Podgursky, 1989). Rural residents were also prone to other conditions associated with poverty: malnutrition, substandard housing, poor health, and high rates of disabilities (Lazere, Leonard, & Kravitz, 1989; Shotland, 1988). ^A PROFILE OF THE RURAL POOR Recent analyses report characteristics that distinguish the rural poor from the urban poor (O'Hare, 1988; Porter, 1989; Shapiro, 1989; Shotland, 1988; Tickamyer & Tickamyer, 1987). These characteristics include, among others, employment status, family structure, and race. ^Working but poor. In 1986, 62 percent of rural poor adults aged 18 to 44 worked at least parttime.

Their earnings, however, remained under the poverty line (O'Hare, 1988). A recent national report based on 1987 data (Shapiro, 1989) noted some key facts: ^(1) Almost three of every four nonmetro poor family heads who were not disabled or retired worked for all or part of the year. ^(2) Nearly one of every four nonmetro poor family heads who were not disabled or retired worked fulltime, year-round. ^(3) About two of every three rural poor lived in a household where at least one household member worked during that year.

^(4) A large number of the rural poor looked for jobs but could not find them. ^(5) More rural poor family heads (including both two-parent and single- parent families) worked in 1987 in comparison to metro poor family heads. ^The result is that a family with working parent(s) is about twice as likely to be poor in nonmetro as in metro areas. This relationship holds across all races and types of work (Shapiro, 1989). Despite their difficulty in finding work, the rural poor are more likely than the urban poor actually to work. Their wage levels, however, keep their families in poverty. ^Two-parent households. In urban areas, the poor family is typically headed by a single parent (usually a woman). This pattern is, however, not typical among the rural poor. The majority (about 62%) of poor rural families are two-parent families. In these families, moreover, it is not unusual for both parents to work. Rural poor families that depend entirely on earned income (that is, families without public assistance or other nonwage income) are, unfortunately, the poorest (Shapiro, 1989).

^Racial composition. The rural poor also differ racially from their urban counterparts. A much larger portion of the rural poor are whites than in urban areas. In rural areas, 71 percent of the poor are whites, whereas in central cities, 54 percent are whites (Porter, 1989). Racial minorities in rural areas, however, suffer more severely from poverty than their urban counterparts (O'Hare, 1988; Porter, 1989; Shapiro, 1989). Porter, for example, reports that 44 percent of rural blacks were poor in 1987, in comparison to 33 percent of urban blacks. ^WHAT CAUSES RURAL POVERTY? Some analysts believe that poverty--wherever it is found--is more a function of history and economic structure than of individual or group characteristics (for example, Tickamyer & Tickamyer, 1987). Studies of rural economies tend to support this view. ^The rural economy is, in general, characterized by a number of features (Deavers & Brown, 1985; O'Hare, 1988). They include: ^* dependence on natural resources, ^* a narrow industrial base in a given locale, and ^* emphasis on low-skill labor. ^In fact, agriculture is no longer the largest employer in rural areas. Routine manufacturing industries now tend to be the largest employers (for example, plants that process raw materials, light assembly plants, and branch plants of national firms). ^These developments pose two problems. First, specialization makes rural economies less "elastic" than urban economies. This means that rural areas tend to suffer more from recession and benefit less from recovery than urban areas (Deavers & Brown, 1985; O'Hare, 1988). Second, because routine manufacturing is based on low-skill labor, manufacturers are tempted to leave rural areas for foreign countries, where wage rates are much lower (Deavers & Brown, 1985; O'Hare, 1988). ^Structural conditions also affect the responses of individuals in two ways not reflected in official unemployment rates. First, displaced workers may cease to look for work. Second, they may accept parttime work in lieu of fulltime work. These trends are, according to Shapiro (1989), major contributors to recent increases in rural poverty. Shapiro suggests that a long-term trend of declining employment prospects may have already begun in rural America. Reid (1990) reports that the major limit to rural economic growth is lack of demand for a highly educated work force, not a shortage of workers to fill existing jobs. ^When growth does come to rural communities, however, its benefits to the poor are questionable. Most new jobs are low-paying or minimum-wage jobs (Reid, 1990). Further, rural workers in service occupations have the highest poverty rates. This is a vexing fact, since the service industry is the part of the rural economy most likely to grow in the future (O'Hare, 1988). ^THE ROLE OF EDUCATION Some analysts believe lack of human capital is a major cause of rural poverty (Summers, Bloomquist, Hirschl, & Shaffer, 1986). An educationally disadvantaged labor force in rural communities is likely neither to attract outside investment nor to launch new economic development efforts of its own. ^Amount of education, however, cannot alone account for the difference in poverty rates between urban and rural areas. Although differences in rural and urban high school graduation rates have narrowed over the last decade, the poverty gap has grown larger (Reid, 1990; Shapiro, 1989). In fact, the largest poverty gap between urban and rural populations is among those with more education, and the smallest is among high school dropouts (O'Hare, 1988; Shapiro, 1989). This situation is an incentive for the better educated to leave rural areas. Migration from rural areas has always been led by the better educated (O'Hare, 1988; Reid, 1990). ^In the future, the growing effects of continued poverty may further endanger school improvement efforts in rural areas, for example, by eroding the tax base or demoralizing communities. Many rural schools are already struggling to provide adequate services to the current population of economically disadvantaged students. ^Alternatives have, however, been proposed, and Reid (1990) speaks for many observers. He believes that rural schools should provide three things. These include better basic instruction to strengthen work force skills, serving as resources for solving local community problems, and participating directly in community development projects. Reid notes, however, that such a mission will require sustained effort to address substantial problems. ^CONCLUSION Poverty is a condition that puts students at risk of school failure. As a potential influence on the well-being of individual students from poor families, education is clearly important (Reid, 1990). On the other hand, the role of education in changing the structural features of rural poverty is clearly much more limited. Education is not likely to be a very direct way to remedy poverty in rural areas, though, as in Reid's analysis, a supportive role may be possible. ^The analysts cited in this Digest have recommended--in the works cited-- concrete changes in federal and state policies to address rural poverty. Implementing some of these recommendations can involve educators in their professional roles, whereas others imply a need for the support of educators as informed private citizens. ^REFERENCES Deavers, K., & Brown, D. (1985). Natural Resource Dependence, Rural Development, and Rural Poverty (Rural Development Research Report No. 48).

Washington, DC: Economic Research Service, US Department of Agriculture.

(ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 258 775) ^Lazere, E., Leonard, P., & Kravitz, L. (1989). The Other Housing Crisis: Sheltering the Poor in Rural America. Washington, DC: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities and the Housing Assistance Council. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 320 753) ^O'Hare, W. (1988). The Rise of Poverty in Rural America.

Washington, DC: Population Reference Bureau. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 302 350) ^Podgursky, M. (1989). Job Displacement and the Rural Worker. Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 325 281). ^Porter, K. (1989). Poverty in Rural America: A National Overview. Washington, DC: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 309 901) ^Reid, J.

(1990, April). Education and Rural Development: A Review of Recent Evidence. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Boston, MA. ^Shapiro, I. (1989). Laboring for Less: Working But Poor in Rural America. Washington, DC: Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 319 566) ^Shotland, J. (1988). Off to a Poor Start: Infant Health in Rural America.

A Report. Washington, DC: Public Voice for Food and Health Policy, Inc.

Title: Recent Trends in Rural Poverty: A Summary for Educators. ERIC Digest.

Author: Huang, Gary; Howley, Craig Publication Year: 1991 Document Type: Eric Product (071); Eric Digests (selected) (073) Target Audience: Policymakers and Practitioners and Community ERIC Identifier: ED335180 This document is available from the ERIC Document Reproduction Service.

Descriptors: Elementary Secondary Education; Employment Level; Family Structure; * Poverty; Race; * Role of Education; Rural Areas; * Rural Education; * Rural Urban Differences; Socioeconomic Influences

Identifiers: ERIC Digests

Rural Philosophy for Education: Wendell Berry's Tradition

Rural Philosophy for Education: Wendell Berry's Tradition. ERIC Digest.

Theobald, Paul

In recent years Kentucky farmer and novelist Wendell Berry has emerged as a leading American philosopher. All of his work deals in some way with rural life. Berry has had a great deal to say about schools and, by implication, rural education. This Digest considers what rural educational philosophy is all about, where it has been in the past, and where this thinker would like to see it go in the future.

A WORD ABOUT EDUCATIONAL PHILOSOPHY Over the years, educators and policymakers have paid scant attention to educational philosophy. Even scholars, for instance, rarely analyze the behavior of people in schools to discover the philosophy behind it. A common view is that the real work of education belongs to teachers and administrators in the nation's public schools--work to which philosophy does not apply. In part, educational philosophy seems to generate so little interest because observing its workings first-hand is so difficult. Many people simply conclude that philosophy is an abstruse system of beliefs, perhaps suitable for faculty members in elite universities, but otherwise useless.

The Greek philosopher Plato examined a similar view over two thousand years ago. In the parable of the star-gazer, Plato described the situation of a ship's captain, who spends many hours gazing at the stars. The sailors view him as useless, or worse--a parasite. Yet, without the work of the captain, the sailors would be lost, and their work would be in vain. So it is, Plato argued, with philosophers.

A PRECEDENT FOR RURAL EDUCATIONAL PHILOSOPHY Some of America's greatest intellectuals--Jefferson, Thoreau, and Emerson--wrote about the national importance of a healthy rural society.

For them, the urban world was a place of purposeless noise, commotion, and filth (Shi, 1985). Only in the countryside, they thought, could life take on a truly human meaning--a life in which the best qualities of humankind could flourish.

The major philosophical difference underlying rural and urban living is the relationship of people with nature. If nature is the home of human beings, then they must care for that home wisely. This circumstance does not confront urban people so forcefully as it confronts rural people. For example, farming, fishing, and logging--typical rural enterprises--must be carried out in ways that conserve the natural world. Future production requires conservation and preservation of the soil, the waters, and the forests. This principle seems less relevant in an urban setting, where production can often be pressed to whatever level the market will bear.

Late in the last century, Thorstein Veblen (1979/1899) wrote about an emerging urban culture unhindered by limits imposed by nature. He considered a key feature of this culture to be "conspicuous consumption." The twentieth century urban world placed a premium on limitless production and consumption (as intimately related processes). In such a culture, the public exhibition of purchasing power becomes a hallmark of both wasteful production and of elevated social status.

An incident in the life of industrialist Henry Ford illustrates this point well. A marketing specialist approached Ford with an advertising slogan that read, "Buy a Ford and Save the Difference." Ford reportedly crossed out the word "save" and penciled in "spend."

Historians believe that schools incorporated such tendencies; henceforth students needed primarily to become good producers and consumers (Karier, 1967; Tyack, 1974; Violas, 1978). Some people took exception to this tendency, and countered it with a rural educational philosophy.

THE COUNTRY LIFE MOVEMENT Liberty Hyde Bailey, of Cornell University, was perhaps the most notable of these people (Berry, 1990). He headed Theodore Roosevelt's Commission on Country Life, created in 1908. Roosevelt and Bailey regarded rural citizens as the "balance force" or "middle wheel" of society. Unfortunately, in their view, growing migration from the countryside to the cities (and from other countries to the cities) threatened to unbalance society.

The Commission prescribed a variety of solutions. These solutions included free mail service, an agricultural extension program, improvement of rural roads, and a postal savings bank. The reform of rural schools, however, absorbed most of the energy of Country Lifers. Bailey urged rural schools to abandon traditional recitation pedagogy and to adopt the new approach of his contemporary, John Dewey. Like Jefferson, Thoreau, and Emerson, Bailey wanted to center rural schooling around the study of nature. Bailey believed that if rural students could grasp the beauty and wonder of the countryside, the appeal of urban life would weaken. Students would stay in the country, and the "balance force" would continue to stabilize society.

By 1920, the Country Life movement had lost momentum. Many of its proposals started real change, but its program for rural schools had foundered. One of its proposals had been that small rural schools consolidate into larger, more centralized schools. Rural people resisted. This proposal--which meets similar resistance today--may have contributed to the decline of the movement.

Whatever the causes, the Country Life movement clearly failed in its main mission. The cityward migration of rural American youth not only continued, it is still a fundamental dilemma facing rural communities. Technology helped the land become more productive, and farming became mechanized. As a result, the number of farms and of farmers in this country has declined sharply. This trend profoundly disturbs Wendell Berry, because by 1940 technology seemed to make care for the equilibrium between people and land increasingly irrelevant (Berry, 1990).

THE EDUCATIONAL PHILOSOPHY OF WENDELL BERRY Contemporary circumstances suggest that this conclusion was premature. In recent years, concern for the fate of rural communities and the fate of the environment have again become pressing issues. Wendell Berry's work has contributed to the renewed interest (see, for example, Berry, 1986).

Like Emerson and Thoreau before him, Berry is skeptical about the ability of public schools to direct social change. "Institutions," writes Berry, "unless constrained by the moral vision of the persons in them...move in the direction of power and self-preservation, not high principle" (Berry, 1981, p. 212). Berry nonetheless believes that rural schools might contribute more than they do to the well-being of rural society and to the quality of life in America generally.

He takes issue with many observers in identifying the shortcomings of modern schooling. He maintains that "the purpose of education in the United States has been to prepare people to 'take their places' in an industrial society" (Berry, 1990, p. 25). He claims that schools are too practical, too intent on creating students who are merely producers and consumers.

Lacking a sense of fundamental principles, rural schools have adopted a misguided view of education by default. According to Berry (1990), rural schools now actively contribute to the decline of rural areas, in both environmental and human terms.

In contrast to contemporary calls for more or better practical education, Berry calls for a liberal arts curriculum in rural schools, tempered with a critical edge. Like Dewey, Berry wants to see students define the boundaries of a democratic society. To deal with trespasses of such boundaries, he would have students develop the courage to take appropriate action.

Thus, according to Berry, liberal learning in rural schools must also incorporate rural knowledge and concerns. This position is critical to Berry's philosophy, since, in his view, the national economy misuses both rural people and rural resources for short-term gains. Not only does this short-sightedness damage rural areas, it neglects the most worthy purposes to which people might otherwise aspire. Rural communities must educate their young to undertake wise action to cultivate practices and knowledge that will influence their lives for the better.

If rural dwellers are to have real communities, then, according to Berry, the equilibrium with nature must be re-established. People must care intimately for one another and cherish the land they inhabit. They must also care more closely for the ways they know one another, the rituals of their daily lives, and their knowledge of the local environment (Berry, 1990).

As presently constituted, rural education does none of these things, according to Berry. In his view, the measure of production must be how well it can be sustained over time. Sustainable production is necessary for establishing and nurturing the real community--the common cultural ground-- of rural places. Otherwise, the national economy will continue to destroy rural society and the natural environment (Berry, 1978).

A literary scholar with a brilliant future ahead of him as a faculty member at New York University in the early 1960s, Wendell Berry left the academic fast-track behind and returned to the land he considered part of his familial and cultural heritage in Kentucky. He writes and farms now in his "native and chosen place." The New York Times has called Berry the "prophet of rural America" (Schneider, 1988). The rural education community has much to gain by considering his views of rural life and rural education.

REFERENCES Berry, W. (1990). What are people for? San Francisco: North Point Press.

Berry, W. (1989). The hidden wound. San Francisco: North Point Press.

Berry, W. (1986). Does community have a value? In R. Eller (Ed.), Proceedings of the 1986 Conference on Appalachia (pp. 3-8). Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky, Appalachia Center. (ED 312 112)

Berry, W. (1981). Recollected essays 1965-1980. San Francisco: North Point Press.

Berry, W. (1978). The unsettling of America: Culture and agriculture. New York: Avon.

Karier, C. (1967). Man, society, and education. New York: Scott, Foresman and Co.

Schneider, K. (1988, February 27). Lyrical Plea to Preserve Fabric of Small Farms. New York Times.

Shi, D. (1985). The simple life: Plain living and high thinking in American culture. New York: Oxford University Press.

Tyack, D. (1974). The one best system: A history of American urban education. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Veblen, T. (1979). Theory of the leisure class. New York: Penguin.

(Original work published 1899)

Violas, P. (1978). The training of the urban working class. New York: Rand McNally.

Shared Services for Rural and Small Schools (1983)

Shared Services for Rural and Small Schools.

Hanuske, Sarah

WHAT DOES SHARED SERVICES MEAN?

Shared services means that individual school districts reach out beyond themselves to maintain or enhance their educational position. The resulting provision of services may be known by a variety of names: cooperatives, leagues, consortiums, collaboratives, or pairings. The aim of sharing services is to provide pooled resources without overemphasizing regulatory functions.

WHY ARE SCHOOL DISTRICTS EXPLORING THE SHARED SERVICE CONCEPT?

School revenues based on enrollments are not adequate as school populations decline and costs rise because of inflation. To improve educational opportunities, meet federal mandates, and keep schools open, small districts have had to seek alternatives. Through shared services, a comprehensive educational program can be offered even though the school is not comprehensive. Sharing allows small communities to keep their schools and, in the case of high schools, their identity and vitality.

WHICH SHARING STRATEGIES HAVE BEEN EXPLORED?

Most contact in the past between rural and small schools has been through athletic competition. Now these schools are promoting academic cooperation.

Teachers have taken itinerant positions, students have been bused to single locations, equipment and texts have been rotated, and two-way telecommunication has brought together teachers and students of different districts.

In exploring ways for two rural school districts to share services, 84 strategies were listed on a survey, including the following:

--Instructional materials --Equipment --Teachers --Administrators -- Support personnel --Curriculum development --Courses --Staff development -- Inservicing --Purchasing --Counseling services --Community services --Board development --Planning --Instructional television --Transportation --Media centers --Community colleges --Vocational education centers --Special education --Testing --Financial management --Federal programs --Athletics

Sharing ventures may be for limited purposes, such as sharing a physics teacher or having a joint drama production, or for more permanent programs such as a regional vocational education center. They also can encompass large program areas that provide a variety of services and programs.

HOW DO SCHOOL DISTRICTS INITIATE A SHARING RELATIONSHIP?

The following guidelines are suggested for increasing the probability of success:

--Joint planning, development, and evaluation

--Clearly written agreements

--Voluntary participation. Partners are always able to withdraw with enough lead time

--Equitable cost sharing. Each partner might contribute an amount based on total district enrollment or dollars per student enrolled in the program, swap teacher services or use of facilities

--Program review

--A designated individual responsible for managing the program and coordinating the planning

--Willingness to take chances

--Promotion of programs within participating schools

It is important to focus on the future of the school district in the planning stages. Enrollment and revenue projections and the costs and benefits of the alternates should be presented at public hearings for community members. In addition, the educational program and the social and economic impact the school district has on the community should be reviewed. It is important to have community support of the respective district boards.

WHAT MECHANISMS ARE USED TO MAINTAIN SHARED SERVICES' RELATIONSHIPS/ORGANIZATIONS?

Where pairing occurs, the two school boards usually act as the governing board. If more school districts are involved, a representative board member from each participating school district may be elected or appointed to the governing board.

As the cooperative relationship becomes more formal and provides a variety of services, the board of directors may be elected from a broader community base. Advisory committees also may exist. It is important to involve local board and community members, teachers, and administrators regularly to develop cooperation.

The coordinator must possess good leadership skills. Along with any administrative staff, this person must implement what each small district by itself cannot offer and thus avoid the bitterness of forced reorganization. Evaluation of programs and procedures should be built into the organization's goals.

Over 30 states now provide some kind of sharing arrangements. One benefit of a regional organization is that it eliminates the need for a district to seek a partner each time a specific need for sharing occurs.

ARE THERE SHARING VENTURES WHICH CAN BE CONDUCTED OUTSIDE OF SCHOOL SYSTEMS?

High school course offerings can be expanded by using community colleges, universities, correspondence study, and televised college courses.

Community colleges can provide vocational education or advanced courses for which no qualified high school faculty are available or in which few students are interested.

Correspondence and televised college courses can be monitored by teachers as independent student study projects.

Community agencies and businesses can be explored for possible educational partnerships.

WHAT ARE SOME PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH SHARED SERVICES?

Some specific problems occur at different levels of a cooperative relationship.

At the regional educational agency level, finances may be a problem.

Partially funded by state and district user fees, the Regional Education Agency (REA) may have to search for alternate funding sources. Distances which staff must travel to remote schools to deliver services may be a contributing factor to attracting and keeping staff. As cooperating agencies provide more and more direct services, Local Education Agencies (LEAs) may feel undermined.

Other problems to overcome are differences among school districts caused by:

--School calendars --Scheduling --Length of periods --Course accountability --Transportation --Mistrust --Teacher contracts --Teacher benefits and salaries --Teacher travel time during instructional day -- Local pride --Traditional territorial boundaries

WHAT ARE SOME OF THE ADVANTAGES OF SHARED VENTURES?

Program offerings in small schools can be maintained and often expanded in the areas of vocational education, foreign languages, fine arts, mathematics, and science.

At the faculty level a balanced staff can be maintained. Academic expertise and support can increase between districts. Organizational services at the management level can be shared, and federal mandates more easily met.

Procedures can be improved as the result of sharing policy development among school districts.

Transportation facilities can be shared. Expenditures can be decreased through joint purchasing and sharing of text books, supplies, equipment and teachers salaries.

Community cooperation and support increases with the development of common policies, calendars, and schedules. Local communities support cooperative involvement because students are the focus of the endeavor.

SUCCESSFUL EXAMPLES OF SHARED SERVICES

Vocational education in a van provides 9-week courses by traveling to several rural South Dakota districts.

Seven districts in Connecticut have a shared-services arrangement which includes the superintendent, director of instruction, federal programs, special education directors, and a legal agent.

Funds from the Appalachian Regional Development Act provide eight school systems with health programs, screening of second and seventh graders, school campus safety inspections, and CPR training for students and teachers.

In California, a small school district which could no longer afford maintenance costs contracted with the neighboring school district for transportation services.

Eight districts in central Alaska with Athabascan Indian student populations formed a consortium which applied for funds to develop an Athabascan social studies curriculum.

A community college in Iowa offers one-half day courses in office practice, health aide, engines construction, and vocational agriculture to high school students from a 9-school cooperative. Monthly meetings are held by the covering body of superintendents and personnel from the college.

Pairing between two rural school districts in Minnesota has one school district instructing grades K-3 and 7-9 while the other has grades 4-6 and 10-12. Some teachers travel between schools and all activities are paired.

Decisions are made at joint school board meetings: however, the school districts have remained separate governmental units.

FOR MORE INFORMATION

Bussard, E. PLANNING FOR DECLINING ENROLLMENT IN SINGLE HIGH SCHOOL DISTRICTS. New York: Educational Facilities Labs, 1981. ED 204 100.

EDUCATION...THE NAME OF THE GAME IS...COOPERATION AREA-WIDE PLAN for 1979-1983. Marshall, MN: Southwest and West Central Education Cooperative Service Unit, 1979. ED 186 192.

Hanson, J. T. DEVELOPMENT OF RURAL COOPERATIVES. Manhattan, KS: Rural Small School Educational Conference, 1980. ED 198 981.

Lawrence, T. REGIONAL EDUCATION SERVICE CENTERS IN TEXAS. R and D Speaks Conference, 1980. ED 195 384.

Lewis, A. C., and others. CREATIVE IDEAS FOR SMALL SCHOOLS. Arlington, VA: American Association of School Administrators, 1981. ED 197 903.

Olsen, S. A. AN EXPLORATION OF INTER-DISTRICT SHARING ALTERNATIVES FOR BELLE PLAIN AND HLV. Cedar Rapids, IA: Grant Wood Area Educational Agency, 1980. ED 191 637.

Sloan, C. A., and R. S. Nolin. THE SURVIVAL OF SMALL AND RURAL SCHOOLS: CONCEPTS AND PRACTICES. 1980. ED 194 246.

Stymanski, R. TREMPEALEAU COUNTY KELLOGG PROJECT: FINAL PROJECT SUMMARY. La Crosse, WI: West Central Wisconsin Consortium, 1981. ED 218 033.

This Digest was prepared for the ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools, 1984.

This publication was prepared with funding from the Office of Educational Research and Improvement, U.S. Department of Education, under OERI contract. The opinions expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the positions or policies of OERI or the Department of Education

Title: Shared Services for Rural and Small Schools.

Author: Hanuske, Sarah Publication Year: 1983 Document Type: Non-classroom Material (055); Eric Product (071); Eric Digests (selected) (073) Target Audience: Practitioners ERIC Identifier: ED259874 This document is available from the ERIC Document Reproduction Service.

Descriptors: Change Strategies; Consortia; Cooperative Programs; * Educational Cooperation; * Educational Trends; Elementary Secondary Education; * Rural Schools; * Shared Services; * Small Schools

Identifiers: ERIC Digests

What Can I Become: Educational Aspirations of Students in Rural America (1992)

What Can I Become: Educational Aspirations of Students in Rural America.

ERIC Digest.

Haas, Toni

Aspirations are strong desires to reach something high or great. Young people's aspirations guide what students learn in school, how they prepare for adult life, and what they eventually do (Walberg, 1989). This Digest reports on educational aspirations of rural youth compared with students living elsewhere, and suggests ways communities can work together to raise the sights of their young people.

UNDERSTANDING ASPIRATIONS Aspirations reflect individuals' ideas of their "possible selves," what they would like to become, what they might become, and what they do not wish to become (Markus & Nurius, 1986). Realizing aspirations requires the investment of time, energy, and resources--both from the young person and from others (Sherwood, 1989). The extent to which communities mobilize such support bears on the quality of life--both among students and among adults.

A similar observation applies to realizing career or employment aspirations. In short, conditions in the community interact with the imaginations of students as they realize their aspirations.

WHAT ARE CURRENT ASPIRATIONS? During the last two decades, several studies have reported changing goals and aspirations of American youth (Walberg, 1989):

* 50 percent of America's teenagers intend to go to college, a quarter intend to work and to attend college part-time, and about 10 percent intend to work full-time after graduation;

* 81 percent think it is very important to be successful in work;

* 76 percent think having strong friendships is very important;

* 68 percent think it is very important to provide children with opportunities; and

* 23 percent think it is important to have lots of money.

In an analysis of data gathered in the longitudinal survey, High School and Beyond (HSB), Cobb, McIntire, and Pratt (1989) reported that, in comparison to urban young people, rural young people felt their parents were much more supportive of their taking full-time jobs, attending trade schools, or entering the military rather than attending college. These lower educational aspirations accompanied lower values for making a lot of money, and higher values for simply making good incomes, having secure jobs, and maintaining friendships.

ASPIRATIONS, SCHOOLING OUTCOMES, AND POVERTY Several circumstances make rural students vulnerable to poor schooling outcomes and lower educational aspirations. First, the relationship between socioeconomic status and educational outcomes has been clearly documented in the educational and psychological literature. The influence of this relationship outweighs the influence of school location (rural, suburban, or urban) or school size (Marion, Mirochnik, McCaul, & McIntire, 1991; Center for Research and Evaluation, 1991). Wherever they live or go to school, students who come from low-income circumstances have lower educational aspirations than do their more economically advantaged peers.

Second, the poverty rate is higher in rural America than it is elsewhere.

Further, rural families with two people working are falling into poverty at a very high rate (O'Hare, 1988). The combination of rising tuition rates and falling family incomes may make attending college an unrealistic choice for many rural students.

A third circumstance that influences the aspirations of rural students is the education level of parents. Here, too, rural students suffer an early disadvantage. Seniors attending schools in metropolitan areas are 1.5 times more likely to have a parent with at least a bachelor's degree than non-metropolitan students (Pollard & O'Hare, 1990). This circumstance is unlikely to change, since the students who stay in rural America to become parents and raise families differ from those rural young people who leave.

As a group, those who stay have the lowest educational aspirations of America's young people, and they tend to earn less than those who leave (Cobb, McIntire, & Pratt, 1990).

Higher education, and the higher earning potential it represents, may be the magnet that draws many young people out of rural areas. But the lack of quality jobs keeps them away. In the past 25 years, managerial and technical jobs requiring college degrees have shifted increasingly to urban locations (McGranahan, 1988).

LOW ASPIRATIONS AND DROPPING OUT OF SCHOOL The desire to go to college represents only one type of aspiration. Another is the value students place simply on finishing high school.

In an analysis of the High School and Beyond data, McCaul (1989) found that rural dropouts, like dropouts from urban and suburban schools, generally made lower grades and scored lower on achievement tests than their peers who graduated. Rural dropouts also showed signs of low self- esteem and lacked a sense of control over their own lives compared with peers who stayed in school. Like their suburban and urban counterparts, rural youth reported that poor grades and the feeling that "school was not for me" were the main reasons they left school early.

Reasons rural students cited more frequently than their urban and suburban counterparts were economic (someone offered me a job) and personal (pregnancy, marriage, disability, illness, or an inability to get along with teachers).

McCaul also found that a higher proportion of rural minority students dropped out than rural white students, especially among Hispanics. Almost half of rural dropouts were from the bottom quartile of socioeconomic status.

RAISING ASPIRATIONS A quarter of the country's students attend rural schools. If we are not going to squander the resource represented by this significant group of young people, the schools, the community, and the nation must work together to raise aspirations. A few examples of what can be done follow:

* Low grades and low achievement can lead to a sense that "school isn't for me." Elementary schools need to provide all students with the tools necessary for success. These include a firm grounding in basic content, in learning to learn, and in higher-order thinking strategies.

* Secondary schools need more relevant curricula so that students answer for themselves the question, "Why do I have to know this?" The secondary school curriculum should stress the kinds of skills adults need, for example, working cooperatively and problem-solving.

* Schools also should organize to address the social and emotional needs of students. Matching small groups of students with a caring adult can provide students the coaching they need to jump all the hurdles that lie between them and high school graduation.

* Parents can raise their own expectations for their children's academic achievement. They should insist that teachers and students raise their expectations as well. Parents can also express their support for the value of education and help the schools celebrate successes.

* The community can signal its commitment to education by providing scholarships, recognizing academic as well as athletic prowess, helping to improve local schools, creating apprenticeship and work/study opportunities, and developing venture capital for young entrepreneurs.

* School board members can revise the mission of the district so that the school's goal is not only to prepare students to leave, but also to empower them to stay in rural areas.

* Employers can refuse full-time employment to people of school age and support part-time employees in their efforts to finish school.

* Communities, counties, states, and Congress can create economic and technological development policies that encourage diversification of the rural economy.

If manipulating symbols instead of objects makes knowledge central to the economy of the future, then young people living in the country need practice manipulating symbols. They also need access to databases, experience working together to solve problems, and jobs to use those skills locally.

REFERENCES Center for Research and Evaluation. (1991). The social values and behaviors of rural high school students. Orono, ME: University of Maine.

Cobb, R. A., McIntire, W. G., & Pratt, P. A. (1989). Vocational and educational aspirations of high school students: A problem for rural America. In R. Quaglia (Ed.), Research in Rural Education, 6(2), 11-23.

McCaul, E. J. (1989). Rural public school dropouts: Findings from High School and Beyond. Research in Rural Education, 6(1), 19-24.

McGranahan, D. A. (1988). Rural workers at a disadvantage in job opportunities. Rural Development Perspectives, 4, 7-12.

Marion, S., Mirochnik, D., McCaul, E., & McIntire, W. (1991). The educational and work experiences of rural youth: A contextual and regional analysis. Orono, ME: Center for Research and Evaluation, University of Maine.

Markus, H., & Nurius, P. (1986). Possible selves. American Psychologist, 41(9), 954-969.

O'Hare, W. P. (1988). The rise of poverty in rural America. Washington, DC: Population Reference Bureau, 15. (ED 302 350)

Pollard, K. M., & O'Hare, W. P. (1990). Beyond high school: The experience of rural and urban youth in the 1980's. Staff working paper. Washington, DC: Population Reference Bureau. (ED 326 363)

Sherwood, R. A. (1989). A conceptual framework for the study of aspirations. In R. Quaglia (Ed.), Research in Rural Education, 6(2), 61-66.

Walberg, H. J. (1989). Student aspirations: National and international perspectives. In R. Quaglia (Ed.), Research in Rural Education, 6(2), 1-9.

Toni Haas works for the Mid-Continent Regional Educational Laboratory, Aurora, Colorado.

This publication was prepared with funding from the U.S. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, under contract no. RI88062016. The opinions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the positions or policies of the Office of Educational Research and Improvement or the Department of Education

Title: What Can I Become: Educational Aspirations of Students in Rural America. ERIC Digest.

Author: Haas, Toni Publication Year: 1992 Document Type: Eric Product (071); Eric Digests (selected) (073) Target Audience: Counselors and Practitioners ERIC Identifier: ED345931 Available from: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools, P.O. Box 1348, Charleston, WV 25325 (free).

This document is available from the ERIC Document Reproduction Service.

Descriptors: * Academic Aspiration; * Academic Failure; Community Involvement; Dropouts; Educational Attainment; * Educational Status Comparison; Elementary Secondary Education; * Parent Influence; Rural Areas; Rural Education; Rural Urban Differences; * Rural Youth; Socioeconomic Background; Student Motivation

Identifiers: ERIC Digests

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